Why Liberal Media Hate Trump

Why Liberal Media Hate Trump

Pat Buchanan: 'His contempt for the norms of political correctness is
daily on display'


In the feudal era there were the "three estates" – the clergy, the
nobility and the commons. The first and second were eradicated in
Robespierre's Revolution.

But in the 18th and 19th century, Edmund Burke and Thomas Carlyle
identified what the latter called a "stupendous Fourth Estate."

Wrote William Thackeray: "Of the Corporation of the Goosequill – of
the Press … of the fourth estate. … There she is – the great engine –
she never sleeps. She has her ambassadors in every quarter of the
world – her courtiers upon every road. Her officers march along with
armies, and her envoys walk into statesmen's cabinets."

The fourth estate, the press, the disciples of Voltaire, had replaced
the clergy it had dethroned as the new arbiters of morality and
rectitude.

Today the press decides what words are permissible and what thoughts
are acceptable. The press conducts the inquisitions where heretics are
blacklisted and excommunicated from the company of decent men, while
others are forgiven if they recant their heresies.

With the rise of network television and its vast audience, the fourth
estate reached apogee in the 1960s and 1970s, playing lead roles in
elevating JFK and breaking Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon.

Yet before he went down, Nixon inflicted deep and enduring wounds upon
the fourth estate.

When the national press and its auxiliaries sought to break his
Vietnam War policy in 1969, Nixon called on the "great silent
majority" to stand by him and dispatched Vice President Spiro Agnew to
launch a counter-strike on network prejudice and power.

A huge majority rallied to Nixon and Agnew, exposing how far out of
touch with America our Lords Spiritual and Lords Temporal had become.

Nixon, the man most hated by the elites in the postwar era, save Joe
McCarthy, who also detested and battled the press, then ran up a
49-state landslide against the candidate of the media and
counter-culture, George McGovern. Media bitterness knew no bounds.

And with Watergate, the press extracted its pound of flesh. By August
1974, it had reached a new apex of national prestige.

In "The Making of the President 1972," Teddy White described the power
the "adversary press" had acquired over America's public life.

"The power of the press in America is a primordial one. It sets the
agenda of public discussion, and this sweeping political power is
unrestrained by any law. It determines what people will talk and think
about – an authority that in other nations is reserved for tyrants,
priests, parties and mandarins."

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Nixon and Agnew were attacked for not understanding the First
Amendment freedom of the press. But all they were doing was using
their First Amendment freedom of speech to raise doubts about the
objectivity, reliability and truthfulness of the adversary press.

Since those days, conservatives have attacked the mainstream media
attacking them. And four decades of this endless warfare has stripped
the press of its pious pretense to neutrality.

Millions now regard the media as ideologues who are masquerading as
journalists and use press privileges and power to pursue agendas not
dissimilar to those of the candidates and parties they oppose.

Even before Nixon and Agnew, conservatives believed this.

At the Goldwater convention at the Cow Palace in 1964 when
ex-President Eisenhower mentioned "sensation-seeking columnists and
commentators," to his amazement, the hall exploded.

Enter The Donald.

His popularity is traceable to the fact that he rejects the moral
authority of the media, breaks their commandments and mocks their
condemnations. His contempt for the norms of political correctness is
daily on display.

And that large slice of America that detests a media whose public
approval now rivals that of Congress relishes this defiance. The last
thing these folks want Trump to do is to apologize to the press.

And the media have played right into Trump's hand.

They constantly denounce him as grossly insensitive for what he has
said about women, Mexicans, Muslims, McCain and a reporter with a
disability. Such crimes against decency, says the press, disqualify
Trump as a candidate for president.

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Yet, when they demand he apologize, Trump doubles down. And when they
demand that Republicans repudiate him, the GOP base replies:

"Who are you to tell us whom we may nominate? You are not friends. You
are not going to vote for us. And the names you call Trump – bigot,
racist, xenophobe, sexist – are the names you call us, nothing but
cuss words that a corrupt establishment uses on those it most
detests."

What the Trump campaign reveals is that, to populists and Republicans,
the political establishment and its media arm are looked upon the way
the commons and peasantry of 1789 looked upon the ancien regime and
the king's courtiers at Versailles.

Yet, now that the fourth estate is as discredited as the clergy in
1789, the larger problem is that there is no arbiter of truth,
morality and decency left whom we all respect. Like fourth-century
Romans, we barely agree on what those terms mean anymore.


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